Norwich, Castle Mall

Norfolk Archaeological Unit, 2009. https://doi.org/10.5284/1000173. How to cite using this DOI

Digital Object Identifiers

Digital Object Identifiers (DOIs) are persistent identifiers which can be used to consistently and accurately reference digital objects and/or content. The DOIs provide a way for the ADS resources to be cited in a similar fashion to traditional scholarly materials. More information on DOIs at the ADS can be found on our help page.

Citing this DOI

The updated Crossref DOI Display guidelines recommend that DOIs should be displayed in the following format:

https://doi.org/10.5284/1000173
Sample Citation for this DOI

Norfolk Archaeological Unit (2009) Norwich, Castle Mall [data-set]. York: Archaeology Data Service [distributor] https://doi.org/10.5284/1000173

Data copyright © Norfolk Archaeological Unit unless otherwise stated

This work is licensed under the ADS Terms of Use and Access.
Creative Commons License


English Heritage logo
Norfolk Archaeological Unit logo

Primary contact

Dr Elizabeth Popescu
Head of Post-Excavation & Publications
Oxford Archaeology (Cambridge)
15 Trafalgar Way
Bar Hill
Cambridgeshire
CB23 8SQ
Tel: 01954 01223-850552
Fax: 01954 273376

Send e-mail enquiry

Resource identifiers

Digital Object Identifiers

Digital Object Identifiers (DOIs) are persistent identifiers which can be used to consistently and accurately reference digital objects and/or content. The DOIs provide a way for the ADS resources to be cited in a similar fashion to traditional scholarly materials. More information on DOIs at the ADS can be found on our help page.

Citing this DOI

The updated Crossref DOI Display guidelines recommend that DOIs should be displayed in the following format:

https://doi.org/10.5284/1000173
Sample Citation for this DOI

Norfolk Archaeological Unit (2009) Norwich, Castle Mall [data-set]. York: Archaeology Data Service [distributor] https://doi.org/10.5284/1000173

Overview

Cemetery 4: St John at the Castle Gate (de Berstrete/the Baptist, Timberhill; Site 777N)

St John Aerial view

Aerial view of St John's Church, Timberhill.

St John view

The Church of St John the Baptist, Timberhill (formerly St John at the Castle Gate/de Berstrete), viewed from the east.

St John detail

Long-and-short work in the east wall of the Church of St John the Baptist, Timberhill (formerly St John at the Castle Gate/de Berstrete).

The earliest documentary reference to this church was made in 1157 (Harrod 1857, 139; Sandred and Lindström 1989, 42), although the extant building may have replaced an earlier church. It is said to have been built by Wodowin the priest and was given to Norwich priory (Blomefield 1806, II, 126), its appropriation to the infirmarer being confirmed in 1313 by an obedientiary roll of Norwich Cathedral Priory (Cattermole 1985, 26). Several other Norwich churches had similar affiliations. This church was one of five in Norwich to have been stylistically dated to the Saxo-Norman period (Taylor and Taylor 1965, 471-5), with a foundation date of 1066-1087 suggested (Carter 1978, 194, fn.4). The excavated part of the cemetery lay to the north of the extant church, covering an area of about 40m east-to-west by 11m north-to-south, graves becoming sparser towards the west and east (Fig_4.51; Fig_4.140). Skeletal analysis indicates a high proportion of burials of leprosy sufferers. The cemetery itself was subject to a number of reductions in size and its surviving northern limit (now delimited by Grout's Thoroughfare) lies some metres to the south of its original extent. The modern-day Thoroughfare effectively mirrors the line of the early cemetery boundary.

The northern boundary of the graveyard consisted of a small ditch (Ditch 2; c.2m wide by 1m deep) which was recorded over a length of 33m at Castle Mall, an additional observation at the Golden Ball Street site (Site 26496N) extending the total recorded length to just over 70m. The ditch arced round northwards, cutting off a triangle of land between roads to the west and east. It was V-shaped in profile, with a pronounced square basal slot. Posts and slots recorded at its base of the ditch appear to indicate the presence of integral timberwork, although they imply a somewhat curious arrangement of timberwork spaced at intervals. No parallels for such an arrangement have yet been found, although a ha-ha type feature is perhaps implied. Primary fills of the western stretch of the ditch indicate weathering and were eventually followed by refuse deposits dating to the early 14th century. This chronological gap in construction/infilling suggests that the ditch was regularly cleaned out. A later butt-ended ditch to the north may imply that the cemetery boundary was later moved northwards, or this may have been a drainage feature (Ditch 12). No burials were found in the triangular gap between the two ditches. Other boundaries of the cemetery lay outside the excavated area. The northern boundary eventually moved southwards and the western corner was sold off in 1297. In such urban areas, where land was in demand, high prices could be obtained for cemetery land (Daniell 1997, 112).

At the time it is first documented in the mid 12th century, the Norwich church was referred to as (Ecclesia) Sancti Johannis ante portam Castelli or 'St John at the Castle Gate' (Liber Cartarum et Placitorum; Harrod 1857, 139; Sandred and Lindström 1989, 42). It would appear to have lain outside the limit of Late Saxon settlement and perhaps an associated defensive circuit, on the western side of the route into the settlement proper.

Excavation at St John's

The cemetery of St John's during excavation.

The intercutting nature of graves within the cemetery clearly indicates a pressure for space and is strikingly different to the adjacent Late Saxon cemetery (Farmer's Avenue, Cemetery 3) to the north. Of the total graveyard area, much of which survives to the south and west of the extant church, about 14% was archaeologically investigated, the total area available for burial being very approximately 1,825m2, assuming an original church of similar dimensions to the example excavated at the Anglia Television site (Ayers 1985, fig.12). A total of 265 individuals is suggested (including disarticulated remains), representing 149 adults and 35 children. The overall layout of the cemetery was 'fan'-shaped, with graves generally aligned south-west to north-east to the west, east-to-west at the centre and north-east to south-west to the east. These alignments reflect the shape of the available block of land. The influence of local topographical features on burial alignment is paralleled at many other cemeteries (e.g. Raunds; Boddington 1996, 31-32). Most graves at St John's were aligned north-west to south-east, with those towards the centre of the excavated area being most likely to be aligned east-to-west. The latter are those furthest from the cemetery boundaries which clearly influenced alignment closer to them. Graves to the east were usually aligned south-west to north-east. The alignment of several burials was completely at odds with those around them, including some examples aligned almost north-to-south. No areas specially dedicated to child burial were apparent and there were no other concentrations relating to age or sex.

St John burial

One of the burials from St John's with flints used to support the skull

Some at least of the burials at St John's were probably made within shrouds, two pins having been found (note, however, the knife worn at the belt discussed below). Such shrouds would normally have been a piece of coarse cloth, within which the body may have been placed naked (Daniell 1997, 156). They would either have been sewn, tied or pinned together (either with a metal or wooden pin). Many bodies within the Timberhill cemetery had flints supporting the skull, usually placed either side of the head. Others lay above beds of pebbles or had been buried in wooden coffins indicated by dark organic staining. One grave was lined with flint and chalk (perhaps in imitation of a stone coffin) and several others had 'shelves' dug into the base of the grave to support either the skull or feet. Further comments on burial type are made in the project monographs, the distribution of the various types being shown in Fig_4.52.

Radiocarbon dates indicate that the cemetery (represented by the 18 skeletons sampled; Bayliss in Shepherd Popescu forthcoming a) came into use in cal AD 980-1030 (95% probability) and went out of use in cal AD 990-1050 (95% probability). The dated burials indicate the presence of only one or two generations, the duration of the cemetery being between 1 and 65 years (95% probability). These dates suggest an overall start date later than that of the Farmer's Avenue cemetery (Cemetery 3), the presence of a Middle Saxon burial (OxA-6382, sk.13156, Cemetery 1) perhaps being coincidental or possibly indicating continued use (see above). Diagnostic artefacts from graves are generally of Late Saxon/Norman type, although a few later objects were present, some of which were undoubtedly intrusive. A small group of burials were clearly late (graves 10516, 10865, 11462, & 11465), having been cut into early 14th-century fills of the cemetery boundary ditch and it is possible that other graves across the cemetery date to a similar period, or were buried after the Conquest. This part of the cemetery was, however, already suffering from encroachment during the late 13th and 14th centuries, implying the gradual contraction of the cemetery at this time.

Non-metric traits suggest a link between this group and Cemetery 3. This may indicate the displacement of the Farmer's Avenue church and cemetery by the castle and movement of some of its population to St John's parish, although radiocarbon dating could suggest that this was in fact a pre-Conquest change: the situation remains equivocal. A relatively high mean age at death suggests the absence of some children from the cemetery population, perhaps due to the distance of the excavated area from the church. Young children may have been interred close to the building. The spatial distribution of non-metric traits and congenital anomalies tentatively suggests 'family' groupings and may indicate that continued reburial in certain areas was not simply a matter of pressure for space, but also a desire to be buried in proximity to relatives. The suggestion that this implies that the cemetery was in use for a relatively short period appears to be upheld by the radiocarbon dates. In adults, there was a high rate of young deaths (particularly male) in comparison with the Farmer's Avenue and other medieval groups. This could be related to one of several factors; status, a period of high mortality for this age/sex group (such as war or riot) or infection (possibly leprosy).

The most unusual aspect of this cemetery was the presence of a high level of leprosy (Hansen's disease), possibly affecting 35 out of the total excavated group and indicating a much higher incidence than would normally be expected from an urban parish cemetery (Fig_4.54). The suggested minimum prevalence amongst the accessible group is 19.4% and can be compared to the 24% occurrence at the Hospital of St James and St Mary Magdalen, Chichester (Lee and Magilton 1989, 258; Anderson 1998). Continental examples indicate rates of over 75% (Ells 1984, 155; e.g. Næstved, Denmark, founded in the late 12th century; Richards 1977, 115 ff). Of the 35 identifiable examples at St John's, only four appeared to have suffered from the tuberculoid strain, with sixteen thought to be lepromatous. Bones affected by leprosy were also found during excavations at the post-Conquest churchyard of St Margaret in Combusto, the church nearest to the leprosaria house outside Magdalen gates (Bown and Stirland, in prep.). A detailed discussion of various aspects of the St John's burials can be found in the monographs (Shepherd Popescu forthcoming a & b), supplemented by a consideration of their dating (Bayliss et al 2004).

Alongside leprosy, a number of other interesting pathologies were observed in the Timberhill cemetery (Anderson in Shepherd Popescu forthcoming a), including a good example of Perthes disease, a fractured elbow with pseudarthrosis and a possible case of poliomyelitis. Analysis of cranial indices may indicate a change from the Saxon to medieval period in Norwich.

There was an unusually high prevalence of osteoarthritis in the shoulder joints of both men and women, which may relate to tasks habitually involving the shoulders. These could include threshing, scything, using a sickle, beating cloth or leather hangings and perhaps hammering. Miscellaneous lesions in a number of individuals may provide evidence for horse-riding and archery. In four individuals, three of which may have suffered from leprosy, habitual use of crutches may be suggested. Overall, the evidence indicates a mixed cemetery population of the able-bodied and infirm.


ADS logo
Data Org logo
University of York logo