Simpson, D. D A. and Coles, J. M., eds. (1968). Studies in Ancient Europe.

The evidence for human occupation in Europe during the earlier part of the Pleistocene period is reviewed in detail. While the geological dating of the majority of the East Anglian "eoliths" and "pre-crag implements" appears to be reliable, their status as human artefacts remains unproven. However, a single hand-axe from Sidestrand (Norfolk) and the hand-axe assemblage from Caversham Channel (Berkshire) may be older than the Mindel-Riss interglacial. In the Vallonet Cave (SE France) some definite artefacts must be as old as the Günz glaciation, and the Abbevillian assemblage from N France appears to date from either the Günz-Mindel interglacial or a Mindel interstadial. The human mandible from Mauer (Germany) and the pebble-tools from Vértesszöllös (Hungary) must be of similar age. The relationships of these finds to the Early Pleistocene Pebble- and Chopping-tool industries of Africa and Asia indicate that there may have been an early penetration of tool-making hominids into Europe via the Near East as well as from NW Africa. PAM

The lengthening since 1951 of the British Neolithic time-scale greatly affects assessments of the rate of cultural change, since the available evidence is much more thinly spread in time. Even rough estimates of the size and density of the Neolithic population are therefore desirable; the best data for this purpose derive from the long barrow builders of lowland England. From an estimated total of 250 earthen long barrows (1500-3000 burials), and assuming exponential population growth, a maximum final long barrow population of 70-140 persons can be calculated. Such a small figure might suggest that only an elite was so buried. On the other hand, one earthen barrow could accommodate a single family's burials over one generation, if bodies were stored to await barrow-building; and few barrows exceed the capacity of a family to build in say four months. But the chambered tombs of Severn-Cotswold, containing perhaps 2000 burials in total, require so much more building effort that they may well represent privileged burial, in which case disposal of the rest of the population has left no trace.

Petrological enquiry concentrated on the National Museum collections produced distribution patterns substantially representative of Scotland as a whole. The sources and associations of Rhum bloodstone, Arran pitchstones and Shetland riebeckite felsite are discussed in detail with maps; all were exploited over long periods. The Creag na Caillich hornfels needs further investigation, especially as confusion with Group VI material is possible at the macroscopic level. Concentrations of Group IX axes in NE Scotland (especially Aberdeenshire) and on the Clyde Estuary suggest that the expansion into Scotland of Lyles Hill ware users was connected with trade in these axes. Only the Group IX material was thin-sectioned for this enquiry, the remainder mostly being assigned macroscopically. Although further work should rely in the first place on macroscopic determination, thus allowing petrologists to concentrate on finding sources for ungrouped axes, confirmatory thin-sectioning must follow before axes are labelled with Group identifications. Other Scottish museum collections are under examination.

A detailed terminology and typology of maceheads and discussion of their archaeological context is overdue. This paper excludes EBA examples and cushion maceheads. Metrical analysis revealed a high degree of standardisation in ovoid and pestle types; the pestle maceheads are divisible into Orkney and Thames groups, and ovoids into three groups. A sub-group of faceted "Maesmore" maceheads may relate to certain antler examples. A "Macehead Complex" is defined: the type occurs most often as gravegoods, and the pottery most often associated is Rinyo-Clacton or Grooved Ware. The complex seems contemporary with the late Beaker phase, but is largely unconnected with the Peterborough complex. Relations with Grouped stone artefacts and battleaxes are considered. Early maceheads may have been functional in some way. The making of pestle and ovoid types, probably by indigenous neolithic groups, may have lasted no more than 150 years.

From a brief review of the three major categories of Food Vessel, their associations and stratigraphy, two general conclusions may be drawn. First, the datable associations indicate a general contemporaneity with the two phases of the Wessex Culture, currently dated 1650-1400 BC. Secondly, and more obviously, there is a general absence of consistently recurring grave-goods. The only association which is found in any number with Food Vessels is the plano-convex flint knife, with vessels of the Yorkshire Vase series, and this is the only object which one can ascribe to a Food Vessel Culture. Many of the other infrequent associations look like female equipment, but this is belied in a number of cases by the skeletal evidence. None of these objects can be said to be elements of a culture, in the way that archers' equipment is associated with certain Beaker groups for example, but appear simply as products manufactured and traded in Britain in 16th and 15th cents BC which might be purchased by one of a series of culturally interrelated groups rather as were the ground stone axes of an earlier period. Au

A new study of the twenty known examples suggests that they were made during the period AD 50-150 in NE Scotland, perhaps by fugitive Brigantian craftsmen working for proto-Pictish tribes. The armlets were cast in bronze by the cire perdue technique; the complexity of shape necessitated considerable work after casting, and some repairs are seen. Most of the armlets would fit a muscular arm, especially over a thick sleeve, but some are so heavy and lacking in signs of wear as to suggest use on cult-figures. The paucity of direct dating evidence enforces a close stylistic analysis; a conjectural sequence of manufacture can be suggested, stemming from such pieces as the Deskford carnyx and Culbin Sands snake bracelet. Although the most direct stylistic links are with Brigantia, cousinly ones exist with Ireland, whence also comes one of the armlets.

Reassessment of the hanging bowls archaeologically throws certain facts into relief. Late Roman in origin, they were probably first used as domestic washing or drinking vessels and only later, under continental influence, modified for religious use. Roman parallels and practical considerations suggest that the bowls were originally suspended on tripods. The problems of their origin are complex; the earliest bowls were made by smiths in contact with late Roman fashions, but from 5th to 7th cents they were apparently made in various centres by craftsmen exchanging ideas on a limited scale. Early decorated bowls are unknown in Ireland, though their patterns and techniques were available there; conversely, there is insufficient evidence for actual manufacture in England. Bowls are listed in four groups, and their archaeological associations and decorative features tabulated. Despite certain anomalies and the limitations of archaeological dating, the heterogeneous and widely scattered bowls from 7th cent graves suggest a series of parallel developments. Openwork escutcheons with fine line enamelling probably date to 5th cent. Bowls with animal appliqués are connected (perhaps through Pictish art) with Eurasiatic animal art. LW

An outline survey of the main classes of musical instruments - drums, whistles, pan- and reed-pipes, horns and lyres - for which there is archaeological evidence. Examples are drawn from many parts of the world, including the British Isles, and range from Palaeolithic to late medieval times. The tone values achievable on these instruments are noted where possible and their influence on modern scales is discussed.